THE IRONY OF PHILIPPINE POLITICS

CATEGORY: BLOG: POLITICAL ADOBO

by: humarri, www.watwatworld.com

Philippine political elections is one of the most festive and expensive political events  in the world. According to one politician, you need at least 3 billion pesos to run as the next Philippine president. Simply put, invest so much in the elections for a chance to earn a monthly salary of P100K. Do whatever mathematical calculations you can, it’s just impossible to earn 3 Billion pesos in six years with a monthly salary of 100K/month. So armed with a criminal mind, I can safely say the next president of the Philippines will have to do some magic tricks to earn more than the 3 Billion pesos he invested. There is no such thing as spending 3Billion for the sake of “public service” . It is plain and simple hypocrisy.

This is the happy days for ABS CBN, GMA, TV5, radio stations, print media and PR companies. They earn billions of pesos from the politicians.  At the end of the political festival, the lowly Juan Dela Cruz was entertained but earned nothing and will suffer more.A question arises. How do politicians earn in the Philippines? My answer is simple, CONTRACTS, FAVORS and FRIENDS.

1. Contracts – every Filipino knows that politicians automatically earn 10-50% of every contract they facilitate or sign. This is a fact that is happening but nobody wants to talk about it.  Even the most religious politician is not exempted. Ask any of the public or private contractors during coffee or drinking sessions and they will blatantly accept that fact. There is no clean contract. Every contract has some form of corruption in it either in the amount, form, materials, implementation and automatic deduction. As they say, everybody earns in a contract except the lowly Filipinos. Now, imagine this, the Philippine 2010 national budget is Trillions of pesos, that would mean so many thousands of billions at the mercy of the politicians. With contracts alone, any president can recover his election investment in less than a year.

2. Favors – every politician owes someone something, either monetary or in kind. Campaign funds does not come cheap or free, it always has a price and it is called political favors. One example of political favor is the right of a person or entity to solely operate the jueteng operation in the entire country.

3. Friends – the power to appoint people in administrative positions. I need not expand. You can see this even at the smallest political unit (barangay) in the country.

Having said this, I am disgusted with the political system we have. No amount of election promises can change the current system… BUT it can be ALTERED to benefit more Filipino people. This is happening now. Filipinos are becoming active and participative in political issues  thanks to technology. One example of alteration is the active pressure of the common people who are not linked to any leftist, rightist or militant organization. My favorite example is the rescinded MOA to give Athletic bowl park in Baguio city to the Koreans.  The deal between the Korean investors and the city government went on smoothly and silently until it was exposed. The people of Baguio got angry voicing out their sentiments in online forums. This pressured the politicians and now they are cleaning their hands from the dirt. Thing is, no amount of water can clean their hands. The people are watching you closely. Times has changed. They will listen to your political grandstanding, they will listen to your explanations but will not allow themselves to be influenced by your words. This is altering the traditional political system.

Filipinos today are more vigilant and active. They know that corruption is instituted in every politician that is why they will see to it that more Filipinos will earn and benefit from every political move. Those who say that
they can stop corruption and initiate change are hypocrites to the highest level UNLESS they themselves accept that they will benefit from the position they are running and this includes those who are claiming to be progressive or militant in nature. Nobody is exempted.

The people of the Philippines are watching your every move and no amount of media publicity can save you from the watchful eyes of the public.
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Is Gibo Teodoro leading the "silent voters" and why politicians should look into the "new battle field"

There's a lot of fuzz running around the online world. To start with, the largest chunk of voters are what I call "the new generation of online voters". As a problogger who practically spends 12-18 hours a day online, I see the presidentiables running their campaigns using different methods from social networks to advertisements. From the different online forums I visited, it seems that Gibo Teodoro has the lead when it comes to responses on posts about the presidential candidates followed by Noynoy Aquino and Manny Villar. 


In summary, this is what I gathered from the different responses in online forums.

Gibo - is relatively unknown and was oftentimes regarded as President Gloria Arroyo's pet. However, in the past weeks, he is ranking up as one of the favorites especially by the younger generation because of his wits and the intelligence he showed in answering questions during presidential debates and forums. He presented the better answers and in a straight forward delivery. If he keeps this up, he will win easily. I saw this happen in the 2007 elections where Senator Chiz Escudero was the talk of the youth and eventually spread to the family and then to the community. Gibo is now seen separately from President Arroyo. He no longer lurks behind the shadows of the present administration.  

Aquino - is already popular by birth and has served as a legislator for almost a decade. He is also a good talker and his answers in forums and debates hit a point. However, his popularity among the younger generation is slowly diminishing because he is too much associated with showbizness thus belittling his capacity to run a country. In a presidential "cooking" show hosted by Jessica Soho, all of the presidentiables personally cooked their favorite dish except Noynoy who needed the help of someone. The popularity of the celebrity in the presidential candidates cooking show didn't help, it was a disaster. Reading closely at different discussions in online forums, there are comments that Noynoy cannot move by himself and must need pushing or advices. Again, this is not my personal opinion. If Noynoy does not change his strategy, his cousin Gibo will overrun him by a mile. 

Villar - is the presidential favorite years ago since he started the "OFW ads". However, due to his numerous ads and campaigns, it is but obvious that the new generation of online voters is having an overkill thought. For example, this week (December 15-20), Villar's political ads in ABS CBN, TV5 and GMA are so overwhelming that one would think the hundreds of millions spent. This is so noticeable because there were no other political ads played 24 hours aside from some Eddie Villanueva ads. Villar's commercials are now becoming annoying and questionable at the tune of hundreds of millions. Mr. Remulla is wrong in saying that the commercials are the fastest way to deliver the message to the people. What is being delivered is a negative impression especially to the largest portion of voters. The thing is, the so called advisers and analysts of Villar are looking to spend more millions to get the sympathy of the voters. This is wrong. Villar should instead show more guts and intelligence by joining presidential forums, discussions and debates. Remember, the voters today are watching every move and every word. Commercials alone is a big joke.


As for the other presidentiables, I still have to review and digest the online forums to give readers a good impression on the thoughts of the online voters. But I will say this again and again and again... the politicians running for the 2010 elections should consider "the new generation of online voters" because thoughts, encouragements, ideas and issues are being discussed freely in the internet unlike five years ago. Today, everybody can express his opinion and influence others in a larger scale. Traditional tactics and even traditional politicians will not survive the race for the chair they are after if they will not act quickly to introduce themselves and what they stand for to the new generation of online voters. The mere formation of a group, associations, fans clubs, and volunteers in social networking sites like Friendster, Facebook and Twitter is not enough. Actual online interaction is needed.


I remember last 2007 wherein some forums I am active with were talking about Chiz Escudero and Senator Trillanes. There were so many ads, paid persons and groups posting articles about their candidates,  etc but at the end of the day, the discussion about the two individuals mentioned above spilled over to the homes of the readers then later on to the community. They were voted by the people. Especially Trillanes. This will also show the political thinking of the Filipino people, they go for the underdog and despises the blatant use of money  to campaign.


The rally for the expulsion of President Estrada grew to a very large crowd not because of the paid protesters or the "hakot" system  but because people were talking through text and online. There was a free discussion of political sentiments. Those sentiments were brought home, shared to the community and spilled all over, thus the large rally against former president Estrada came through. It was not entirely the fault of Angelo Reyes turning against Estrada or the powerful Makati businessmen. The people's emotions, sentiments, feelings about dirty politics had something to do with the ouster and the meeting of the minds and free discussion online sparked a debate that was later on carried to the streets. Estrada, being a traditional politician did not see the relevance of "the new generation of online voters".


This is a new generation, a new time, a new league of intelligent voters. The smallest contribution we could give to change the Philippine political system is one giant step towards fixing our future.


This is www.WatWatWorld.com...


And So I say
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Copyright DMC, Quezon City

www.watwatworld.com

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Martial Law In Maguindanao In Effect: 62 Arrested

Philippines arrests 62 after imposing martial law

by Cecil Morella

AFP

SHARIFF AGUAK, Philippines (AFP) – The Philippines said Sunday it had detained more than 60 people and seized a stunning array of weapons after imposing martial law in a southern province in the wake of a massacre.
A total of 62 people were swept up in raids over the weekend, including 15 taken from a ranch owned by clan patriarch Andal Ampatuan Snr where the military found a cache of powerful rifles buried in a grassy area, police said.
Authorities said the decision to impose martial law in Maguindanao province from Friday night was needed to quell a rebellion by the clan, whose leaders were accused of being behind last month's massacre that left 57 people dead.
"Martial law (allowed) the security forces to really go after these suspects who are part of the rebellion, maybe some of whom are possible suspects in the recent massacre," said Andres Caro, the national police chief of operations.
The mass murders occurred on November 23, when 100 Ampatuan gunmen allegedly abducted and shot dead female relatives of a rival politician, plus a group of journalists and civilians, in a remote farming area of Maguindanao. Related article: Philippine massacre suspects rule over squalor
Ampatuan Snr, the governor of Maguindanao, as well as four other family members were detained Saturday in the initial raids following the imposition of martial law.
Justice Secretary Agnes Devanadera said Sunday that leaders of the clan now in detention would be charged with rebellion.
The rebellion charges are separate from murder cases being prepared against them over the massacre, she said.
"We did not see them plotting against the government, we saw the deed done. They have usurped power from the government there," Devanadera told DZBB radio.
"This is not ordinary chaos taking place in one area, this has an armed component. And there is removal of allegiance from the republic of the Philippines by the leaders of this group."
The Ampatuan family is a Muslim clan that had ruled the province for most of the decade with the backing of private armies and the suppport of President Gloria Arroyo's ruling coalition.
Justifiying the controversial move to impose martial law, the government said large numbers of heavily armed gunmen loyal to the Ampatuans had threatened to attack if the clan chiefs were taken into custody.
The government alleged the Ampatuans had illegally amassed a stunning array of military hardware that it was prepared to use in the rebellion.

Thousands of soldiers and police poured into the provincial capital, Shariff Aguak, and other Maguindanao towns after martial law was imposed to detain the Ampatuans and their militiamen, as well as find the weapons. Related article: Farmers flee over fears of violence
On Saturday, security forces retrieved 340,000 rounds of ammunition, several assault rifles and a home-made armoured car at a warehouse owned by the Ampatuans.
On Sunday, about more 40 firearms, including M16 assault rifles, and dozens of boxes of ammunition were found on a property believed to be owned by Ampatuan Snr, the military said.
"Our suspicions are proving right, we believe there are more weapons hidden," regional army commander Colonel Leo Ferrer said. "Our operations are continuing so we can limit the military capability of those concerned."
Ferrer said the army has not encountered any armed resistance so far.
"But we are prepared to face these threats," he said.
The biggest reported discovery came on Thursday when the military found what it said were enough weapons and ammunitions to arm two battalions, or 1,000 soldiers, buried in a vacant lot near the Ampatuans' compound of homes.
The military said this finding was one of the triggers for it recommending to Arroyo that martial law be imposed.
One of Ampatuan Snr's sons, Andal Ampatuan Jnr, has already been charged with 25 counts of murder over the massacre. Police last week filed indictments recommending the clan chief and other relatives also be charged.
Police allege Ampatuan Jnr and his gunmen shot dead the occupants of a convoy that included female relatives of his rival for the post of governor in next year's elections, as well as about 30 journalists.
Before the massacre, Arroyo's government had supported the Ampatuans as part of its campaign to use powerful local clans to contain Muslim rebels whose bloody insurgency since the 1970s has left over 150,000 dead.

Source: 
http://news.yahoo.com/s/afp/20091206/ts_afp/philippinesmassacrepolitics
Copyright belongs to the author Cecil Morella and AFP (Agence France Presse)

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Rumors are circulating around coffee shops and even in social networks and forums. The rumor is that the  President Arroyo had to shut down the Ampatungans especially the two governors because they were allegedly threatening the current president to expose the alleged anomalies committed in the Certificate of Canvass last 2007 elections wherein the vote was 12-0 in favor of the administration candidates.

Accordingly, if the president will not support the Ampatungans, the latter will spill the beans about the election fraud that happened in Maguindanao. Maybe this was the initial reason why the government was relaxed in hunting down the murderers and when the suspected Mayor Andal Ampatungan Jr. "surrendered", we all saw the laxity as compared to those who committed petty crimes like simple theft. This was probably the initial gesture of political friendship that Malacanang had to offer.

However, there is a big clamor for justice since 28 media practitioners were also killed in the massacre. The noise is too much for the Ampatungans so allegedly they again asked the President for support in exchange of keeping quiet on the past election issue. This time the president cannot give in to the favor since the whole world is looking at her and such actions may be detrimental to her career extension in congress. So allegedly, the plan was to shut down the voice of the Ampatungans and it can be done completely only if martial law was to be implemented and all the evidence sequestered.

This rumor maybe true or maybe not and there are so many questions yet to be answered. Clarity to this rumor will soon be available thanks to the wonderful world of social networking where you can find interesting answers to issues nowadays.

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And so I say...

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Martial Law Declared In The Philippines, Province of Maguindanao and Sultan Kudarat

Martial Law Declared In The Philippines

Just this morning, martial law was declared by the president to be effective at once covering the provinces of Maguindanao, Sultan Kudarat and the City of Cotabato. This declaration was a result of the seizure of high powered automatic firearms in the said province. 
The words "martial law" is somewhat scary because of the atrocities that were committed by the military and police during the latter part of the Marcos Era. But today, the declaration is generally accepted. Of course those who are  allegedly involved in the massacre will cry out foul! 
Taking into consideration that Maguindanao province is under control for at lest 60 days will give way to the arrest and prosecution of those who participated in the mass murder. I just hope that the declaration will be under control and closely monitored by the media so that no abuses will take place even for the Ampatungans who also deserve equal protection of the law.

Also, Secretary Dureza released his 'diary' of the 'Four Critical days in a document to try give his side of what government did in the hours after the crisis broke out. Read on.

MAGUINDANAO MASSACRE: THE FOUR CRITICAL DAYS (A recollection of those four critical days ) by Secretary Jesus G. Dureza

DAY ONE ‐‐Nov 23 (Monday) – I was monitoring closely reports about a missing convoy in Maguindanao with media friends. Later in the day, reports of mass murder of the Mangudadatus were confirmed. Allegedly by Datu Unsay Ampatuan Jr. et al. My instincts told me this could very well be a very explosive situation. . When media called, I said I would recommend proclaiming a state of emergency. At 8 p.m. SND Bert Gonzales and I met. He told me the President had directed that I act as “crisis manager”.

DAY TWO – Nov 24 (Tuesday) Bert and I took the earliest flight to Gen Santos City. At the 601st brigade in Tacurong, Sultan Kudarat, briefings were held. Initial photos of the carnage were flashed on the screen. Gruesome! Next we met with the Mangudadatus, many of them my personal friends.

They were tense and angry. They wanted to retrieve the bodies immediately. They demanded justice, immediately.

The Ampatuans did it, they said. After Bert and I expressed government’s resolve to do everything possible, Toto Mangudadatu said they will cooperate. No retaliatory action but government must give justice.

12 NOON – A teleconferencing call connected Bert and me to the Palace where the President was presiding over a hastily called security meeting. We were getting specific instructions from her.

So did Bert, PNP Chief Jess Versoza and AFP Vice CS Maclang who arrived with us. Her voice had that sense of urgency.

Inputs from the other cabinet members were also relayed. 1:00 PM – The crisis management committee was activated.

Assisting me were Eastmincom Gen Ferrer and PNP 12 Director Serapio. 2:00 PM – Bert left to fly back to Manila. Col Geslani, brigade commander assisted in setting up the command center. It was at this time that I operationalized an action plan I quietly formulated in my mind. It was a simple plan drawing lessons from past experiences.

3:00PM – Having talked with the Mangudadatus, I decided to go see the Ampatuans in Shariff Aguak. I felt confident. Both families were my friends. And I had direct access to them. With my staff and without military escorts, except for one military officer, Col Macario as guide, I motored to the Ampatuan residence.

3:45PM ‐‐I entered the Ampatuan fenced premises and the patriarch Gov. Andal Ampatuan, Sr was there waiting for me. With him seated in a “ bahay kubo” on the sprawling grounds were several ARMM and Maguindanao officials and relatives. Armed followers were everywhere. After informing Gov. Andal that my purpose in coming was because of the incident and that his son, Mayor Datu Unsay Ampatuan, Jr. was implicated , I told “Bapa” Andal that it would be best that the Ampatuans also “cooperate”.

I said that Datu Unsay should submit to an investigation. He immediately said: “ OK. Kausapin mo sya. Ipatawag ko si Datu Unsay. Basta kayo secretary walang problema”. I told him I wanted to see Datu Unsay as I got reports that he was missing or had escaped. Bapa said: “Hindi yan totoo. Darating si Datu Unsay. Magpakita sya sayo secretary”.

Bapa Andal as usual, was a man of few words. We then went inside the house to wait for the son’s arrival. In the meantime, ARMM Gov Zaldy Ampatuan and Cong. Digs Dilangalen arrived from the airport. Usec Zam Ampatuan, Atty Cynthia Guiani Sayadi, among others were there too.

I felt a bit tense and uncomfortable. I did not want to start talking about the incident until Unsay would arrive. We were chatting for about an hour trying to divert the issue and loosen up.

A lively conversation centered on how many children some of their relatives had. One relative had 70 children. Of course from several mothers. Etc.

4:30PM – We waited. I noticed that Atty. Cynthia was using her cellphone and taking pictures while we were chatting. Unsay arrived and got seated on my left. We continued a bit about our light banter until Unsay settled down. (GMA7 later that same evening showed some pictures on TV. My wife Beth texted me and called my attention immediately when she saw it: “Bakit ka smile kasama mga Ampatuan. Not proper.” I agreed. But I was puzzled where the pictures came from and who sent them.

There were no media people around. I surmised Cynthia did it.)

5:00PM. – I was becoming worried that darkness would overtake my return trip to Sultan Kudarat. Many armed and uniformed men on the highway. One could not tell what group or unit. So when Unsay got seated, I immediately told him that I came because of the serious incident and that initial reports mentioned his name as involved. I told him my purpose in coming was only to be assured that he would cooperate and submit himself to any investigation.

He looked at the direction of Gov Andal who spoke first: “ Gaya ng sinabi ko sayo kanina, magcooperate kami, secretary”. Then Unsay himself echoed saying: “Mag cooperate po kami secretary”. I then stood up and said I would contact them again soon. We arrived in Marbel already dark and stayed there for the night.

DAY THREE , Nov 25, (‐ Wednesday) – 830AM, I visited a funeral parlor in Marbel. Some bodies not identified yet.

I then directed DSWD 12 to attend to the immediate needs of the families, and that DOH 12 and OCD 12 were to assist. I motored to Tacurong at 601st brigade and met the NBI team that just arrived from Manila. I reconvened the crisis committee and mapped up moves on how to fast track work .

A team of PNP investigators were sent to the residence of Buluan Vice Mayor Toto Mangudadatu to get statements but they were told that affidavits of their witnesses would be submitted instead perhaps the following day.

I was already aware that the outrage over the killings mounted. And government was being criticized for slow action.

12 NOON –Over lunch at the brigade, I consulted with the crisis committee on my plan: it was time to contact the Ampatuans and call in Datu Unsay to voluntarily surrender.

As they committed to me yesterday. I was also quietly informed that an operational plan was underway to forcibly take custody of him.

2:00PM – On my way to Marbel to dialogue with all the families of the victims, I made several calls. First with ARMM Gov. Zaldy Ampatuan. I told him it was time to bring in Datu Unsay. He told me he would consult the father, Gov. Andal. I said I had only until 5 pm that day to work on this plan. After 5pm, the scenario would no longer be the same, I told him.

4:00PM – While meeting the families of victims in downtown Marbel, I got a call from the father, Gov Andal telling me that he would turnover to me Datu Unsay but requested that the deadline be moved from 5pm today to 10 AM, the following day.

I immediately told him I could not guarantee things if the deadline was moved. He said the Ampatuan clan would meet that evening and discuss things and bid goodbye to Datu Unsay.

I told him I would get back to him by phone. I made calls and informed some of my colleagues (with whom I had been consulting from the beginning) of the request. There were objections.

Understandable reservations: what if the extension was a ruse to escape that evening? What were the guarantees that he would voluntarily surrender during the new deadline? People were becoming outraged not only on the crime but on the perceived slowness of government, so why waste more time? The forces were ready to strike, so why delay?

But I also reasoned back: How sure are we that we would get Datu Unsay in the operations? (From yesterday’s visit to the Ampatuans, I was certain that he was not there in the immediate vicinity but came from somewhere far.)

An assault would surely cost lives knowing the armaments, the culture and the situation.

People were crying for swift action but I would not agree to precipitate action. I also said I believed Gov Andal was sincere when he told me he would bring out his son when needed.

To wrap up my point, I said: I would take full responsibility for whatever outcome. My new timeline was adopted. I moved the deadline to 10:OO AM the following day.

That night, we reviewed the “pickup” scenario several times and mapped out contingencies just in case things would not go as planned. In the meantime, government troops moved according to operational plans. That evening,

I got a call from Atty. Cynthia getting an assurance from me that nothing would be launched that evening until the 10 AM pickup time the following day. I told her if there were troop movements, these were in support of the 10 AM “pickup”. Later in the night, another complication suddenly arose. Gen Serapio and Col Geslani informed me that they got information that Toto Mangudadatu would motor with his followers to file his certificate of candidacy the following morning in Shariff Aguak. I immediately called Gov. Teng Mangudadatu.

I told him that there was something afoot the following morning and that without disclosing what it was all about, I requested if he could convince Toto to move his filing to another day. A few minutes later, Gov Teng called and said the clan agreed.

D‐DAY, Nov.26 (Thursday) 6:00AM–Early morning, government forces took over and occupied the ARMM facilities and other buildings and premises in Maguindanao province.

Armed elements loyal to the Ampatuans were taken by surprise and gave up their firearms without resistance. I was nervous a bit but confident. The “what if” scenarios kept popping up in my mind. I motored to the 601st brigade for the final briefings. The choppers would pick me up from there. Gen Ferrer and I watched as more newly arrived troops were jumping off towards designated areas.

9:00AM – I was informed that something went wrong with the Huey helicopters coming from Cotabato. The Davao choppers were instead dispatched but would not be able to arrive by 10AM. 9:55AM – I got a call from Col Geslani whom we tasked to liaison with the Ampatuans that they were requesting for a little time as they were waiting for their lawyer who was still on the road to arrive.

That was a break I needed. The 2 choppers arrived. We discussed with the pilot and crew contingencies and procedures.

10:45AM, we were ready to jump off upon cue from Col Geslani. It would be a short 35 minute hop from the brigade to Shariff Aguak.

My staff Cecil said she’s getting nervous but insisted on joining. My assistant, Yo was busy texting. But wait, another problem suddenly cropped up. As we were boarding, one the 2 PNP officers tasked to escort the suspect said they could not use the handcuff on Ampatuan as the KEY WAS MISSING! What about the other handcuff with your buddy, I asked. “Ganon din po sir”, he replied. “Sh_t!” I almost fell from my seat!.(”Sarap sapakin!”) But there was no more time. We then agreed that he would be strapped with the seat belt and the policemen would firmly clasp the buckles to prevent any unexpected situation while airborne. (When I was asked later by reporters why Ampatuan was not handcuffed, I had a ready curt answer with a straight face: “He is adequately restrained!”. Sec Agnes promptly responded with the same line when she was asked upon landing in Manila. )

11:20AM Two Hueys landed on the Maguindanao province capitol grounds. The Huey engines were not shut off as agreed in case a sudden exit maneuver was necessary. I waited for 20 minutes on the ground. I was getting worried. Finally, I saw my staff Ollie with his thumbs up sign. Col Geslani signalled, they were on their way. My “what if” scare disappeared. The capitol gates opened.

The Ampatuan family arrived on board vehicles from another location nearby. Gov Zaldy clasping my hand said: “Ipaubaya ni amah si Datu Unsay sayo” and turned over Datu Unsay to me. We boarded the aircraft with Atty. Cynthia , insisting she had to ride with him.

11:40AM, Helis took off enroute Gen Santos City where Sec. Agnes and her crew were waiting for an inquest proceeding. But again something happened. About a few minutes airborne and while still climbing and gaining altitude, I first noticed some flapping sound outside. I thought, maybe some loose parts of the chopper.

The noise kept coming, intermittent. I looked down and maybe I saw flashes but I was not sure. Suddenly the Huey banked sharply to the right and simultaneously, several short bursts from our two Huey gunners at the back. The bursts startled all of us.

The evasive maneuver by the pilot also jarred us. All of us kept our heads low as the Huey steeply climbed. My staff Jerry and Col Mac who were seated beside the open Huey doors ducked.

The soldier at the back shouted, “ground fire, sir”. We still climbed. The flapping sound from outside could not be heard anymore. The gunners later told me ground fire sounded like flapping from the air. The evasive action and the machinegun bursts were SOP. At 2,000 feet altitude, we cruised. That’s when I saw on the Huey floor an empty shell from the bursts of the M‐60 machinegun on board.

I picked up the empty shell, then pocketed it for good luck. At the Gensan airport, I called the Boss: “Mission accomplished, Mrs. President.” * * *

(Note: Dureza had successfully handled past crises situations notably the “detention” by MNLF Saber Malik of Marine Gen. Benjamin Dolorfino and OPAPP Usec Ramon Santos in Sulu in 2007; the handover of Misuari from Malaysian authorities to face rebellion charges in 2002; the surrender of convicted priestkiller escapee Manero in 2001; the release of Gen. Obillo and Capt. Montealto by NPA Commander Parago with the Capalla humanitarian team in 1999; the Cebu Pacific plane crash in Misamis Oriental in 1998; the Mindanao El Nino crisis in 1998; the Davao Penal Colony hostage situation in 1998.)

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Philippine Government, AFP and DND are Accessories to the Crime of Maguindanao - Ampatuan Murder/Massacre . Some Highpowered Machine Guns Used in the Massacre are DND-Military issued.

Today, hundreds of high powered and sophisticated guns, some made by Armscore - a major arms supplier to the AFP, that can arm 500 soldiers or militia men were recovered in a shallow hole near the residence of the Ampatuans in Maguindanao. The said weapons were said to be the same guns that was used to kill the 57 Ampatuan massacre victims. The source said that the weapons were buried one day after the mass killing.

The question we have now is this: why are the high powered guns in the possession of private individuals? I remember some issues a few months back that was well covered by the media. It involved a junior navy officer and some members of the military. They broke the chain of command and expressed their loss of faith in their superior officers and one issue brought to the media's attention is the sale of high powered guns to the highest bidders who happen to be influential  politicians. I shrugged it off as a mere accusation. But after the Maguindanao massacre, it seems that the accusations were real and backed by convincing proof ( physical evidence recovered ).

I'm pretty sure the issue on the Department Of Defense issued high powered sophisticated automatic guns will just fade away. In the first place who in the Philippines has the balls to investigate or prosecute the high ranking officials of the Armed Forces of the Philippines and the Department of Defense? NOBODY! The best thing that the so called "investigators" can do is to play around with the media through "paid" press releases.

This being said, it is better to concentrate on prosecuting the Ampatuan massacre killers today rather than diverting attention to the private arms confiscated. It's a hard decision and arguably debatable depending on your political linkage, but it is better to bring justice to the families of the victims by actively participating in the judicial proceedings. To follow the weapons used is useless.

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WatWatWorld: Philippine Political Organization Mushroom (Lilitaw - Lulubog)

As early as two years ago, I already noticed the formation of different organizations and associations geared towards the 2010 elections. Recently, Facebook, MySpace, Friendster and Twitter are commonly used to boost up their membership. Creating a political organization prior to an election is a common practice and just like mushrooms, many of this organizations disappear after the elections. Politicians commonly use the youth sector in mobilizing membership by promising a good platform and objectives. Fact is, every politician has his/her own platform to show during the campaign period but more often than not, the realization of the platforms presented remains to be seen. If you follow the history of Philippine elections, it maybe safe to say that after elections, the platforms earlier presented remains in the piece of paper where it was written. Only a few really practice what they are introducing during a campaign.

Promises are also common in political organizations even if the members join as "volunteers", in many cases, these volunteers end up as cash cows or foot soldiers with a promise that if the candidate they are fighting for will win, they will receive some incentives either in form of grants, scholarships, positions, jobs or contracts. Allegedly, the political organizers also "earn" because they handle the channeled finances for the organization. However, we will not deny that there are also organizers and volunteers who really believes in what they are campaigning for thus doing it in their own free will and sacrifices. I have seen this before in our province wherein volunteers really used their own money, time and effort to campaign for a senatorial candidate. After the election was over, the volunteers where not even recognized. The organizers got all the thank you's and wishes. Soon after, the organization faded away.

The most common victims of political organization mushrooms are "promdi's" like me. All of a sudden organizations are mushrooming all over the provinces. Fact is, those people organizing are more often than not the same faces you saw organizing for another party or politician during previous elections. I call them "political dance instructors", and I will allege that they are earning a living or even more from what they are doing.

Political organization mushrooms maybe temporary in nature but they serve their purpose very well. I may not agree on how the organizers manipulate volunteers but at the end of the day, something is achieved and that is the spreading of political awareness from the national capital region to the far flung areas in the provinces. This is the only time where politics and politicians reach the ends of the provinces and the only time where "promdi's" like me can see our favorite actors and actresses in person.
To illustrate, if there are 100 politicians running for President, there will be 100 or more political organizations that will mushroom up and each of these newly born mushroom will have their own programs, policies and platforms to show. Each mushroom will try to gather as mush volunteers and as history dictates, the volunteers will stand their ground for the candidate they are endorsing even if it means physically fighting with the other political mushrooms. Again, at the end of the day, whatever the result is, the political candidate may not even know what is happening in the field.

All having said, even if these organizations are actually historical mushrooms,  I believe they still serve the purpose even for a limited time. These purposes are:
1. To spread political awareness up to the ends of each province and islands in the Philippines;
2. To gather the sentiments and needs of the people;
3. To bring medical missions and a plastic of goods containing 1 kilo of rice, two noodles and 2 cans of sardines to the poor communities;
4. To give a sense of power or control to the ordinary people; and
5. To bring actors, actresses, comedians, dancers and singers to entertain the people in the province for free!
What can you say?

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LATEST AND MOST GRUESOME MAGUINDANAO MASSACRE PICS RELEASED. (www.watwatworld.com last and final video on this issue)

This Final Video released by watwatworld.com contains the most gruesome, barbaric and violent pictures related to the Maguindanao Massacre. This video will remind us all on the evil effect of Warlordism and lack of political will on the part of the government. Nobody is above the law. No person can take away a man's life as he pleases.

This video will remind the government that having too much power in the hands of a few is dangerous.
This will remind the lawmakers - legislators  - congressmen - that laws are more important than pork barrels..
This will remind the judiciary that justice is applicable to both rich and poor.

This will remind the world that tolerating the existence of warlords, political dynasties, and private armies are not in any way helping the common people and that they have their own personal laws over and above the constitution.

In sad times like this, the people rely on the equal protection and application of the laws. I just hope that the privileges like hospital arrests cannot be extended in gruesome cases like this.

Please be advised when watching. Do not let your children watch this video.

Latest news on the witnesses: 

At least three witnesses in the mass killing of 57 people in Maguindanao have pointed to Datu Unsay town mayor Andal Ampatuan Jr. as one of the armed men that intercepted the convoy of the Mangudadatus last November 23. They claimed that they were on board the cars that had been trailing the convoy led by the Mangudadatu women on that fateful day.But when they entered Ampatuan town, the convoy was flagged down by gunmen in what seemed to be a checkpoint. The witnesses saw “many police cars.".


Philippines: The Maguindanao Massacre
Monday, 30 November 2009, 1:02 pm
Press Release: Asian Human Rights Commission

Philippines: How Could The 'Maguindanao Massacre' Been Allowed To Happen?

("We don’t care about it, we don’t know about it" – the Acting Head of the Provincial Police)

As it has been widely reported, 57 people-including two human rights lawyers and 30 journalists - were slaughtered on November 23 in Maguindanao, a province in central Mindanao. While much of the stories and worldwide condemnation focused on the number of, and manner of the deaths - describing them as gruesome, barbaric and animalistic amongst others things, the Filipino people, even in this country's war-torn southern part, still grapple in disbelief as to how it could have happened.

It is incomprehensible, not only to the Filipino people, but the international community as to how, in an area with a modicum of governance and law enforcement and the right to the protection of life could have been so easily dismissed in a democratic state. How is it possible that a group of over 100 armed men, reportedly led by a scion of a powerful political clan, the Ampatuans, blocked a convoy of vehicles of over 50 people in broad daylight, took them to a remote hilly area, executed them and then buried them in shallow graves?

There were indications that the massacre was premeditated and thoroughly planned; for example, the graves where the 57 dead bodies had been buried had already been excavated using a government-owned backhoe. Its engine was still running when the soldiers arrived at the scene of the massacre after they had received reports of the incident. When the soldiers arrived, dead bodies littered the scene, vehicles used in the convoy were riddled with bullets and three of the vehicles had been flattened and buried together with the dead bodies. (Photo: Concepcion “Connie” Brizuela, lawyer, victim; source: Inqiurer.net)

Before the massacre happened, some journalists had already received information that should they persist in covering the filing of Certificates of Candidacy of (CoC) of Esmael Mangudadatu, they would be killed and buried. However, because they were given assurance by Alfredo Cayton, commanding general of the Army's 6th Infantry Division, that they could push through telling them that area is safe, the group decided to proceed. The group also had seriously discussed matters on security arrangements for two hours before leaving. It was unfortunate though that organisers and the group of journalists may have underestimated the situation. Threats of this nature are common in this part of the country.

Mangudadatu is a bitter political rival of one of Ampatuan's scions, Andal Ampatuan Jr, incumbent town mayor of Datu Unsay, a town named after him by his father, Andal Ampatuan Sr., who is also the incumbent provincial governor of Maguindanao. The younger Ampatuan is now considered the prime suspect in the slaughter, according to witnesses. After his arrest on Thursday, November 26, he is being held in detention at the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) in Manila.

The carnage left Esmael's wife, Genalyn; his two sisters, Eden and Farida Sabdula; several of his political supporters; two human rights lawyers, Concepcion Brizuela and Cynthia Oquendo; and 30 journalists dead. Brizuela and Oquendo were assisting Mangudadatus' wife, Genalyn, to file the CoC on behalf of her husband at the provincial election office in Maguindanao while the journalists were covering the would-be filing. The event, in the local context, would have been a big story for local journalists as the filing was an act upon which the Mangudadatus, also a powerful political clan in the adjacent province, Sultan Kudarat, would be challenging the Ampatuans for a gubernatorial post.

The younger Ampatuan is reported to have been groomed by his father to run as governor for the May 2010 general elections. The elder Ampatuan is the close ally of the Philippine President, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and her party; and had served as the governor of Maguindanao, a province under the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), for three consecutive terms as governor. Three of Ampatuans’ political leaders were expelled from the President's political party because of the massacre.

The Ampatuans and the Mangudadatus are bitter rivals and powerful political clans in the local politics. In this southern part of the country, the notion of governing for the 'common good of constituents, good governance, rule of law and human rights and democracy' has hardly ever existed. The politicians' motivation in running for public office is for protecting their territory, expanding their influence and cementing their de facto absolute control into the affairs of the local government--from the civilian administration, to the security forces. The security forces were there to serve the local political elite, rather than enforcing law and order.

In Shariff Aguak, the capital of Maguindanao, the display of wealth and power can be illustrated by the huge palaces that these political leaders of the province have built, dwarfing the town and shanties of their constituents. The province is one of the poorest in Mindanao, and is a long term recipient of foreign development aid. The constituents in remote municipalities have been for decades victims of massive protracted displacements, killings and abductions and summary executions either by the government or military forces in the decades-old conflict in Mindanao. Thus, the people's threshold to violence is higher than other place, but the extent of this massacre is, even for them difficult to comprehend.

That the alleged mastermind, the younger Ampatuan, was reported to have been able to command and have given the order to kill the victims is well established and illustrates the local government's policy in funding, training and recruiting militia forces. The Civilian Volunteer Organisation (CVO) is one of the government's militia forces and is also accused of having been involved in the Maguindanao massacre. The functioning of the CVO should have been under the control and oversight of the Philippine National Police (PNP); however, the existing system is so heavily politicized, effectively making the police authorities underdogs of the politicians.

The top local executive has the authority to expel, appoint and recommend, for example, who should be the head of the provincial police and the head of the town police. The local executives also decide whether or not the local police and its security unit should be given budget allocations from the local government's coffer for their operation. This deliberately brings the policemen and security units under the politician's control and influence. The extent of the policemen's control by the politicians has been affirmed and shown when Esmael, upon learning of the massacre, was told by the acting head of the Maguindanao provincial police when he sought his assistance that: "Wala kaming paki-alam d'yan, hindi namin alam 'yan (“We don’t care about it, we don’t know it”).

After the massacre, the PNP had to relieve six of its top officials in Maguindanao for their alleged complicity--the chief of police of Shariff Aguak and Ampatuan towns and three other police inspectors from their position. According to the PNP though, they are not yet considered as suspects, but reports indicate that one of them, was seen by the witnesses to be present at the scene when the victims were executed. Also, it would be difficult to accept that these top policemen would not know of the presence of heavily armed men in their area of jurisdiction. The national highways of these towns where the convoy passed also had check points of only few hundred meter distance from one place to the other - either set up by soldiers, policemen or militia forces - thus, it is hard to believe that they would not know of the movement of armed men, unless they were complicit or had been co-opted.

When the convoy was blocked and the victims subsequently executed, reason dictates that the victims may have thought the perpetrators would not do such horrendous acts. They unfortunately walked to the grave virtually blindfolded for reasons that their numbers and composition - there were over 50 of them mostly women – that the town mayor who was the prime suspect, the government's militia forces and armed civilians; and the policemen, who were seen by witnesses at the crime scene were all present.

The killing of 30 journalists, mostly local journalists, is the largest number of deaths in a single incident in the Philippines' recent history. It has virtually crippled the press freedom in this part of the country. The fight for press freedom and right to information itself is a notion that local journalists had struggled to fight for. Before the massacre, some of the journalists who were reporting on the corrupt practices of the government officials in these provinces were themselves subjected to threats. At least two journalists had already been killed in the past, one of whom was Marlene Esperat in October 2006 in Tacurong, Sultan Kudarat. (Photo: journalist victims, from left to right: Marites Cablitas, Gina Dela Cruz and Marife Montaño; source MindaNews)

As one of the eyewitnesses to the massacre said, they were just following orders when the alleged mastermind ordered them to shoot and kill not only the relatives of the Mangudadatus but also the human rights lawyers, the journalist; and all of those who had joined the convoy. This eyewitness had come out in an exclusive television interview but is said to have gone into hiding. There are also several other persons who had witnessed and survived the massacre but are too frightened to come forward.

The plight of the witnesses and the survivors also exposed the realities of the absence of any protection mechanism within the country. At least three of the journalists who survived the massacre sent feelers out to the Department of Justice (DoJ) informing them of what information they had to help the investigation and prosecution of the case, but they (the DoJ) paid no attention, according to the survivor's family. Like the eyewitness, these survivors too had to take their own security measures to protect themselves. It is also not practical to seek for a police escort since one of the policemen relieved from his post was once assigned in the survivors' hometown; and given the small community of journalists there--who often covers the police and military beats--even without exposing their names, those who want them dead know where they can be located.

Also, how could the survivors consider asking for police protection when, in fact, prior to covering the filing of CoCs the Mangudadatus, had already sought police and military protection. Such request was rejected. The military had to excuse themselves saying they were unable to provide escorts because their troops were deployed somewhere and that providing escorts is primarily a police duty; while the policemen to whom the group had sought security escort for the convoy turned out to have reportedly were complicit or had taken part to the massacre.

About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional non-governmental organisation monitoring and lobbying human rights issues in Asia. The Hong Kong-based group was founded in 1984.

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